Cryptocurrency
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Cryptocurrency
Eli
Dourado and Jerry Brito
From
The New Palgrave Dictionary of
Economics, Online Edition, 2014
Edited
by Steven N. Durlauf and Lawrence E. Blume
Abstract
For
most of history, humans have used commodity currency. Fiat currency is a more
recent
development, first used around 1000 years ago, and today it is the dominant
form
of money. But this may not be the end of monetary history. Cryptocurrency is
neither
commodity money nor fiat money – it is a new, experimental kind of money.
The
cryptocurrency experiment may or may not ultimately succeed, but it offers a
new
mix of technical and monetary characteristics that raise different economic
questions
than other kinds of currency.
This
article explains what cryptocurrency is and begins to answer the new
questions
that it raises. To understand why cryptocurrency has the characteristics it
has,
it is important to understand the problem that is being solved. For this
reason,
we
start with the problems that have plagued digital cash in the past and the
technical
advance that makes cryptocurrency possible. Once this foundation is laid,
we
discuss the unique economic questions that the solution raises.
Keywords
anonymity;
Bitcoin; Byzantine Generals Problem; censorship resistance;
cryptocurrency;
cryptography; double spending problem; exchange rate indeterminacy;
mining
pools; money; new monetary economics; open source;
peer-to-peer
networking; proof of work; pseudonymity; trust; volatility
JEL
classifications
E40;
L31; F31; O30
Article
Technical
overview
Cryptocurrency
is the name given to a system that uses cryptography to allow the
secure
transfer and exchange of digital tokens in a distributed and decentralised
manner.
These tokens can be traded at market rates for fiat currencies. The first
cryptocurrency
was Bitcoin, which began trading in January 2009. Since then,
many
other cryptocurrencies have been created employing the same innovations
that
Bitcoin introduced, but changing some of the specific parameters of their
governing
algorithms. The two major innovations that Bitcoin introduced, and
which
made cryptocurrencies possible, were solutions to two long-standing
problems
in computer science: the double-spending problem and the Byzantine
Generals
Problem.
Double
spending
Until
the invention of Bitcoin, it was impossible for two parties to transact
electronically
without employing a trusted third party intermediary. The reason was a
conundrum
known to computer scientists as the ‘double spending problem’, which
has
plagued attempts to create electronic cash since the dawn of the Internet.
To
understand the problem, first consider how physical cash transactions work.
The
bearer of a physical currency note can hand it over to another person, who can
then
verify that he is the sole possessor of that note by simply looking at his
hands.
For
example, if Alice hands Bob a $100 bill, Bob now has it and Alice does not.
Bob
can easily verify his possession of the $100 bill and, implicitly, that Alice
no
longer
has it. Physical cash transfers are also final, in the sense that to reverse a
transaction
the new bearer must give back the currency note. In our example, Bob
would
have to hand the $100 bill back to Alice. Given all of these properties, cash
makes
it possible for different parties, including strangers, to transact without
trusting
each
other.
Now,
consider how electronic cash might work. Obviously, paper notes would
be
out of the picture. There would have to be some kind of digital representation
of
currency.
Essentially, instead of a $100 bill, we might imagine a $100 computer file.
When
Alice wants to send $100 to Bob, she attaches a $100 file to a message and
sends
it to him. The problem, as anyone who has sent an email attachment knows, is
that
sending a file does not delete it from one’s computer. Alice will retain a perfect
digital
copy of the $100 she sends Bob, and this would allow her to spend the same
$100
a second time, or indeed a third and fourth. Alice could promise to Bob that
she
will delete the file once he has a copy, but Bob has no way to verify this
without
trusting
Alice.
Until
recently, the only way to overcome the double spending problem was to
employ
a trusted third party intermediary. In our example, both Alice and Bob would
have
an account with a third party that they each trust, such as PayPal. Trusted
intermediaries
like PayPal keep a ledger of all account balances and transactions.
When
Alice wants to send $100 to Bob, she tells PayPal, which in turn deducts the
amount
from her account and adds it to Bob’s. The transaction reconciles to zero.
Alice
cannot spend the same $100, and Bob relies on PayPal, which he trusts, to
verify
this. At the end of the day, all transfers among all accounts reconcile to
zero.
Note,
however, that unlike cash, transactions that involve a third party intermediary
are
not final, as we have defined it, because transactions can be reversed by the
third
party.
In
2008, Satoshi Nakamoto (a pseudonym) announced a way to solve the double
spending
problem without employing third parties (Nakamoto, 2008). His invention,
Bitcoin,
is essentially electronic cash. It allows for the first time the final
transfer, not
the
mere copying, of digital assets in a way that can be verified by users without
trusting
other parties. This is accomplished through the clever use of public key
cryptography,
peer-to-peer networking and a proof-of-work system.
Like
PayPal, the Bitcoin system employs a ledger, which is called the block
chain.
All transactions in the Bitcoin economy are recorded and reconciled in the
block
chain. However, unlike PayPal’s ledger, the block chain is not maintained by a
central
authority. Instead, the block chain is a public document that is distributed in
a
peer-to-peer
fashion across thousands of nodes in the Bitcoin network. New
transactions
are checked against the block chain to ensure that the same bitcoins
have
not been previously spent, but the work of verifying new transactions is not
done
by any one trusted third party. Instead, the work is distributed among
thousands
of
users who contribute their computing capacity to reconcile and maintain the
block
chain
ledger. In essence, the whole peer-to-peer network takes the place of the one
trusted
third party.
Byzantine
Generals Problem
Bitcoin’s solution to the double spending problem – distributing the ledger among
the
thousands of nodes in a peer-to-peer network –
presents another problem. If
every
node on the network has a complete copy of the ledger that they share with the
peers
to which they connect, how does a new node connecting to the network know
that
she is not being given a falsified copy of the ledger? How does an existing
node
know
that she is not getting falsified updates to the ledger? The difficult task of
reaching
consensus among distributed parties who do not trust each other is another
longstanding
problem in the computer science literature known as the Byzantine
Generals
Problem, which Bitcoin also elegantly solved.
The
Byzantine Generals Problem posits that a number of generals each have
their
armies camped outside a city that they have surrounded. The generals know
that
their numbers are large enough that if half their combined force attacks at the
same
time they will take the city, but if they do not attack at the same time they
will
be
spread too thinly and will be defeated. They can only communicate via
messenger,
and they have no way of verifying the authenticity of the messages being
relayed.
They also suspect that some of the generals in their ranks are traitors who
will
send fake messages along to their peers. How can this large group come to a
consensus
on the time of attack without employing trust and without a central
authority,
especially when there will likely be attempts to confuse them with fake
messages?
In
essence, this is the same problem faced by Bitcoin’s ‘miners’, the
specialised
nodes
that verify new transactions and add them to the distributed ledger. Bitcoin’s
solution
is to require additions to the ledger to be accompanied by the solution to a
mathematical
problem that is very difficult to solve but simple to verify. (This is
much
like calculating prime factors; costly to do, but easy to check.) New
transactions
are broadcast in a peer-to-peer fashion across the network by parties to
those
transactions. Miners look at those transactions and confirm by checking their
copy
of the ledger (the block chain) that they are not double-spends. If they are
legitimate
transactions, miners add them to a queue of new transactions that they
would
like to add as a new page in the ledger (a new block in the block chain).
While
they are doing this, they are simultaneously trying to solve a mathematical
problem
in which all previous blocks in the block chain are an input. The miner that
successfully
solves the problem broadcasts his solution to the problem along with the
new
block to be added to the block chain. The other miners can easily verify
whether
the solution to the problem is correct, and if it is they add that new block to
their
copy of the block chain. The process begins anew with the new block chain as
an
input of the problem to be solved for the next block.
The
mathematical problem in question takes an average of 10 minutes to solve.
This
is key because the important thing is not the solution itself, but that the
solution
proves
that the miner has expended 10 minutes of work. On average, a new block is
added
to the block chain every 10 minutes because the problem that miners must
solve
takes on average 10 minutes to solve. However, if more miners join the
network,
or if computing power improves, the average time between blocks will
decrease.
To maintain the rate at which blocks are added to six per hour, the
difficulty
of the problem is adjusted every 2016 blocks (every two weeks). Again,
the
key here is to ensure that each block takes about 10 minutes to discover.
How
does this solve the Byzantine Generals Problem? Suppose that a miner is
confronted
with two competing block chains (just as a general might receive
messages
with different attack times). To choose which chain to accept and work to
extend,
a miner can look to see which is longer; that is, which chain has had the
most
processing power devoted to it. By always choosing the longest chain, an
honest
miner can ensure that he is in the company of at least 51% of the other
honest
miners. The gap between the longest chain and competing chains will
grow
as time passes, since the longer chain will have more processing power
behind
it.
New
blocks contain not just the new transactions that have been broadcast on
the
network, but also a transaction that assigns the winning miner 25 newly created
bitcoins,
which incentivises them to dedicate their computing capacity to the
network.
The size of the reward to miners that accompanies new blocks also halves
every
210,000 blocks (every four years). The reward began at 50 bitcoins with each
block
when the network was launched in 2009. Today the reward is 25 bitcoins and
will
halve again to 12.5 in 2016. This means that the total number of bitcoins that
will
ever exist will not exceed 21 million. As mining rewards diminish, what
incentive
will miners have to lend their computing power to verify transactions? The
answer
is that parties to a transaction can include a transaction fee to be paid to
the
miner
who successfully adds their transaction to a block in the block chain.
The economics
of cryptocurrency Governance
Cryptocurrencies
do not have central banks to regulate the money supply or oversee
financial
institutions, but no one should neglect the importance of cryptocurrency
governance
institutions. We focus our discussion on two separate but interrelated
ways
that cryptocurrencies can be said to be governed.
Algorithmic
governance
Rules
for what are considered valid cryptocurrency transactions are embedded in the
peer-to-peer
software that cryptocurrency miners and users run. One valid kind of
transaction
is the creation of new coins out of thin air. Not everyone can execute this
kind
of transaction – miners
compete for the right to execute one of these
transactions
per block (on Bitcoin, every ten minutes or so). When a miner discovers
a
valid hash for a block, they can claim the new coins.
A
transaction in which a miner claims new coins, like any other transaction, has
to
conform to the expectations of the network. The network will reject a block
that
contains
a transaction in which a miner awards themselves too many new coins. The
growth
of coins is limited by a pre-determined amount per block.
On
Bitcoin, the pre-determined amount is not scheduled to be constant over
time,
but rather is set to halve every 210,000 blocks, or about every four years, as
described
above. The total supply of bitcoins will asymptotically approach, but never
exceed,
21 million. It will reach 20 million in 2025 and stop growing altogether in
2140.
Open source
governance
The
astute reader will note that the Bitcoin software that enforces particular
rules
about
valid transactions and the rate of money creation does not appear out of thin
air.
Rather, the rules embedded in the software emerge from an interplay between
leaders
of the open source project that manages what is known as the ‘reference
client’, other developers, miners, the user
community and malicious actors. The
dynamic
between these players is as crucial to understanding Bitcoin as that of
central
banks, traditional monetary institutions and monetary politics is to
understanding
fiat currency.
Bitcoin,
like all other even moderately successful cryptocurrencies to date,
is
a non-proprietary open source project. Users tend to look with suspicion on
cryptocurrency
projects that are closed source, that feature significant pre-mining in
order
to reward insiders, or that have other proprietary features. Other expectations
of
the user community also impose a check on developers. For example, the hard cap
of
21 million bitcoins, while in principle subject to change through a software
update,
appears to be non-negotiable for Bitcoin, although other cryptocurrencies
have
different money supply rules.
The
division of Bitcoin software into a ‘reference client’ and so-called
‘alt-clients’ also has implications for Bitcoin’s evolution. The community looks to
the
Bitcoin Core team for leadership as to the direction of the network. An
alternative
approach would be for the community to agree on the specification for
the
network, and then let independent teams write clients that implement the
specification.
The fact that Bitcoin has such a dominant reference client means that
evolution
can occur more quickly, although it may also have hidden costs. For
example,
the community has to put a lot of trust in the Bitcoin Core developers not
to
make bad changes to the network. A less concentrated approach to cryptocurrency
development
would slow down development, which would prevent any changes to
the
network without full deliberation of the community. It’s possible that over time
Bitcoin
could move more to this model, but for now, the advantages of rapid
evolution
might outweigh the costs.
Miners
also play an important role in governance. Because miners
cryptographically
guard against double spending, their consensus on what counts as
a
valid transaction is necessary for a cryptocurrency to function. A majority of
miners
must adopt any change to Bitcoin, and therefore the miners are able to
impose
a check on developers. Miners also exert influence through mining pools.
Miners
join pools in order to earn a more consistent payout. A single miner working
alone
might go for some time without discovering a block. But if miners pool their
work
and split their rewards, they can earn daily payouts.
Mining
pools raise complications. For example, the biggest Bitcoin mining
pool
often has a third or more of the computing power of the Bitcoin network. If a
pool
ever obtained more than half of the network’s computing power, it could
double-spend.
Double spending would destroy confidence in the Bitcoin network and
would
likely cause the price of bitcoins to plummet. Consequently, we observe some
self-regulation
by the mining pools, which are heavily invested in the success of Bitcoin.
Whenever
the top pool starts to approach 40% or so of computing power of
the
network, some participants exit the pool and join another one. So far this norm
has
persisted, but many in the community are concerned about mining pool
concentration.
Recently, the GHash.IO mining pool briefly exceeded 50 percent of
Bitcoin’s mining power. There is no evidence that
the pool used its position to
double
spend, but many observers were alarmed that it was able to happen.
Concentrated
mining pools have benefits as well as risks. In a crisis, it is useful
to
be able to assemble the key players. Such a crisis occurred on the night of
11
March 2013, when it became clear that a change in version 0.8 of the reference
client
introduced an unintentional incompatibility with version 0.7. As a result of
the
incompatibility,
the two implementations of Bitcoin rejected each other’s blocks, and
the
block chain ‘forked’ into two versions that did not agree on who
owned which
bitcoins.
Within minutes of the realisation that there was a fork, the core developers
gathered
in a chat room and decided that the network should revert to the 0.7 rules.
Over
the next few hours, they were able to confer with the major mining pool
operators
and persuade them to switch back to 0.7, sometimes at a non-trivial cost to
the
miners who had mined coins on the 0.8 chain. The fact that mining pools are
relatively
concentrated meant that it was relatively easy to coordinate in the crisis.
Within
about seven hours, the 0.7 chain pulled permanently ahead and the crisis was
resolved.
Another
problem occurred in February 2014 when Mt. Gox, the oldest and
largest
Bitcoin exchange, claimed that its bitcoin holdings had been depleted through
‘transaction malleability’
attacks. Although it remains unclear
whether Mt. Gox
losses
were really due to attacks, it became clear over the next several days that
misunderstandings
about transaction malleability were creating vulnerabilities. Some
Bitcoin
sites temporarily suspended withdrawals while the issues were addressed by
the
core development team, which updated the Bitcoin software and helped educate
the
community about transaction malleability, which, when properly understood, is a
feature
of Bitcoin, not a bug.
There
is considerable scope for further study of cryptocurrency governance.
Medium
of exchange versus unit of account
Bitcoin’s lack of a central bank and
fixed-trajectory money supply have earned it
some
criticism from economists concerned about macroeconomic stabilisation.
Countercyclical
inflationary stimulus is impossible.
However,
this criticism may be misplaced. On most Keynesian and monetarist
theories
of monetary non-neutrality, the macroeconomic properties of money inhere
in
its unit-of-account function. Bitcoin is typically used as a medium of exchange
without
serving as a unit of account; that is, transactions will be denominated in
dollars
or another currency, but payment will be made using bitcoins. Unless prices,
wages
and contracts come to be denominated in Bitcoin, we would expect use of
Bitcoin
to have little cyclical impact.
Cryptocurrencies
have a number of properties that make them especially useful
as
media of exchange, if not as units of account. Unlike paper money, they can be
transacted
online as well as in person, if an Internet connection is present. Unlike
credit
cards, the network fee for a simple cryptocurrency transaction is low and
voluntary;
it is used to incentivise rapid processing of transactions by the miners.
Credit
card networks typically charge a swipe fee of 25b
plus about
3% of the value
of
the transaction. On the Bitcoin network, transaction fees are at most a few
pennies.
Some retailers use merchant services to accept Bitcoin-denominated
payments
and have the equivalent amount of dollars deposited directly in their bank
accounts.
The service providers commonly charge a 1% fee for this convenience,
though
this may decrease as hedging costs go down (discussed below). Even with
this
conversion fee, merchants save 2% or more on transactions via the Bitcoin
network.
Another feature that could attract merchants is that customers who disavow
a
purchase cannot reverse most Bitcoin transactions, as they can credit card
transactions.
In
its separation of the medium of exchange and the unit of account,
cryptocurrency
brings to life some creative research from the 1970s and 1980s by
economists
such as Fischer Black (1970), Eugene Fama (1980), Robert Hall (1982)
and
Neil Wallace (1983). These authors regard the received monetary economics as
highly
contingent on legal and institutional arrangements; under laissez faire, they
argue,
we would observe explicit or implicit prices on media of exchange and a
breakdown
in the distinction between money and other financial assets. While
cryptocurrency
remains a niche payment mechanism and existing monetary
institutions
remain dominant, experimentation at the edges of our current monetary
system
with Bitcoin and other new cryptocurrencies could be fertile ground for new
research
in this tradition.
Pseudonymity
and censorship resistance
Early
news reports on Bitcoin focused on its use on the online black marketplace
Silk
Road. These reports propagated the misconception that Bitcoin transactions are
anonymous.
In fact, Bitcoin’s ledger
(called the block chain) is a completely public
document.
There is therefore a publicly accessible record of every Bitcoin transaction
ever
made. Bitcoin transactions occur between Bitcoin addresses, which are strings
of
random numbers and letters (a cryptographic hash of the address’s public key).
While
there is no meaningful name attached to a transaction on the block chain,
Bitcoin
addresses function as pseudonyms for users. If a Bitcoin address can be
identified
as belonging to a particular individual, then all of the transactions on the
block
chain using that address can be attributed to that individual.
Users
can take several steps to obfuscate identities and preserve some measure
of
financial privacy. They can generate and use a virtually unlimited number of
addresses
(there are 2160 valid
Bitcoin addresses). It is considered best practice for
merchants
to generate a new receiving address for every transaction in order to
protect
their customers from scrutiny and to prevent espionage from competitors. It
is
also becoming increasingly common for transaction processors to collate several
transactions
into a single one so that no one knows which address is paying which.
If
Alice wishes to pay Bob and Charlie wishes to pay David, a single transaction
in
which
Alice and Charlie put in money and Bob and David take it out can make it
unclear
who is paying whom.
Despite
the availability of these steps, the Bitcoin network remains vulnerable
to
sophisticated analysis. Meiklejohn et
al. (2013) were able to trace bitcoins from
well-known
thefts through the network to centralised services such as exchanges,
which
in principle could be subpoenaed to reveal the identities of the criminals.
They
used
only publicly available data; a well-equipped law enforcement agency could
de-anonymise
the network even further.
Although
transactions are not fully anonymous, Bitcoin represents a significant
shift
in the enforcement burden for illegal transactions. Because non-cryptocurrency
electronic
payments pass through financial intermediaries, governments can enforce
restrictions
on transactions by regulating those intermediaries. A drug dealer cannot
generally
accept Visa payments because Visa will not approve a merchant whose
business
is dealing drugs. Illegal Bitcoin transactions may be subject to ex post
punishment,
but they are not subject to prior restraint through the regulation of
financial
intermediaries. This could have a significant effect on the number and kind
of
laws that governments are able to economically enforce.
Future
developments in cryptocurrency technology could bring strong
anonymity
to Bitcoin or another currency. Zerocash is one proposed anonymisation
system
that could either be added to a future iteration of Bitcoin or released as its
own
currency. The strong anonymity provided by Zerocash or a similar system could
have
significant implications for governments who rely on controlling the financial
system
to enforce laws.
Pricing
and volatility
Bitcoin
traded over $1 for the first time in February 2011, for $30 in June 2011,
below
$7 in July 2011, below $2.50 in October 2011, climbed back up to $10 by
August
2012, to over $230 in April 2013, fell to below $70 within a week and rose
to
over $1100 in November 2013 before falling by several hundred dollars again
(see
Figure 1). This volatile trend raises questions about the price of
cryptocurrencies:
What is the fundamental value of a Bitcoin? Why is Bitcoin so
volatile?
What could increase or decrease the volatility of Bitcoin in the future?
7/1/2010
7/1/2011
7/1/2012
7/1/2013
7/1/2014
.1
1
10
100
Price (USD) Log Scale
1000
Figure
1 The price of Bitcoin. (Source: Bitcoin
Price Index data from CoinDesk
http://www.coindesk.com/price/.)
Since
Bitcoin is not asset-backed, its value as a currency can only lie in its
usefulness
as a medium of exchange. As we have discussed, in some contexts,
Bitcoin
is superior to cash (e.g. it can be used online) and credit card payments
(it
is cheaper). In addition to its technical characteristics, its usefulness
depends on
the
network effects that it can generate. The extent of future network effects
remains
uncertain,
which is perhaps the biggest reason for the volatility of Bitcoin prices so
.
far.
Some of this uncertainty will necessarily resolve itself over time, as Bitcoin
is
revealed
either to be valueless or to have enduring value. Bitcoin is always likely to
be
more volatile than fiat currencies, however, because it lacks a central bank
and its
supply
is not responsive to changes in demand.
Cryptocurrencies
also raise in a new way questions of exchange rate
indeterminacy.
As Kareken and Wallace (1981) observed, fiat currencies are all alike:
slips
of paper not redeemable for anything. Under a regime of floating exchange
rates
and no capital controls, and assuming some version of interest rate parity
holds,
there
are an infinity of exchange rates between any two fiat currencies that
constitute
an
equilibrium in their model.
The
question of exchange rate indeterminacy is both more and less striking
between
cryptocurrencies than between fiat currencies. It is less striking because
there
are considerably more differences between cryptocurrencies than there are
between
paper money. Paper money is all basically the same. Cryptocurrencies
sometimes
have different characteristics from each other. For example, the
algorithm
used as the basis for mining makes a difference –
it determines how
professionalised
the mining pools become. Litecoin uses an algorithm that tends to
make
mining less concentrated. Another difference is the capability of the
cryptocurrency’s language for programming transactions.
Ethereum is a new
currency
that boasts a much more robust language than Bitcoin. Zerocash is
another
currency that offers much stronger anonymity than Bitcoin. To the extent
that
cryptocurrencies differ from each other more than fiat currencies do, those
differences
might be able to pin down exchange rates in a model like Kareken and
Wallace’s.
On
the other hand, exchange rate indeterminacy could be more severe among
cryptocurrencies
than between fiat currencies because it is easy to simply create an
exact
copy of an open source cryptocurrency. There are even websites on which you
can
create and download the software for your own cryptocurrency with a few clicks
of
a mouse. These currencies are exactly alike except for their names and other
identifying
information. Furthermore, unlike fiat currencies, they don’t benefit from
government
acceptance or optimal currency area considerations that can tie a
currency
to a given territory.
Even
identical currencies, however, can differ in terms of the quality of
governance.
Bitcoin currently has high quality governance institutions. The core
developers
are competent and conservative, and the mining and user communities are
serious
about making the currency work. An exact Bitcoin clone is likely to have a
difficult
time competing with Bitcoin unless it can promise similarly high-quality
governance.
When a crisis hits, users of identical currencies are going to want to
hold
the one that is mostly likely to weather the storm. Consequently, between
currencies
with identical technical characteristics, we think governance creates
something
close to a winner-take-all market. Network externalities are very strong in
payment
systems, and the governance question with respect to cryptocurrencies in
particular
compounds them.
Cryptocurrency
volatility could also be reduced by the introduction of
exchange-traded
futures and options markets. At present, the CFTC has still not
opined
on the legality of cryptocurrency derivatives. However, a number of
Bitcoin-based
businesses have been calling for the normalisation of hedging
instruments
for Bitcoin, which could also have the advantage of lowering merchant
processing
fees. Greater access to cryptocurrency derivatives is necessary for the
health
of the ecosystem. Some developers have begun work on decentralised
derivatives
exchanges, which could be important if financial regulators refuse to
approve
ordinary derivatives.
Conclusion
Cryptocurrency
is an impressive technical achievement, but it remains a monetary
experiment.
Even if cryptocurrencies survive, they may not fully displace fiat
currencies.
As we have tried to show in this article, they provide an interesting new
perspective
from which to view economic questions surrounding currency
governance,
the characteristics of money, the political economy of financial
intermediaries,
and the nature of currency competition.
See
Also
• commodity money;
• fiat money;
• money
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